wfn.org | AANA BULLETIN No. 17/03 May 5, 2003 (c)

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AANA BULLETIN No. 17/03 May 5, 2003 (c)

African Soroptimists To Lobby For Own Federation

NAIROBI (AANA) May 5 - African women professionals are aspiring to have 
their own Soroptimist federation.

The idea was expressed at an international Soroptimist assembly held in 
Nairobi from May 1 to 4.  It was the first time that Africa hosted such an 
event, which brought together participants from 21 African countries.

President of Kenya Chapter of Soroptimist International, Mary Teresa 
Adongo, said it was time African women forged a common front to lobby for a 
federation, pointing out that a move like that would give them humble time 
to handle their matters without looking behind.

Soroptimist International, otherwise referred to as Sisters for the Best, 
is a global voice for women working through service projects to advance 
human rights and status of women in society.  It was started in 1921, in 
Oakland, California.

Currently, affairs of African Soroptimists are split among two external 
regional federations, namely,  Great Britain and Ireland Federation, and 
European Federation.  Other federations are Americas and South West Pacific.

"It will be hard to get our own federation if we do not consolidate 
ourselves," observed Adongo, adding, "our sisters in the South should pull 
out of the other federation to join hands with us to form a quorum for our 
own federation".

According to Africa Region Co-ordinator, Redemta Kehr, the continent "is 
busy putting up strategies of opening many clubs to meet the requirement of 
100,000 membership before becoming autonomous."

Reported By Herman Kasili

FEATURES  SECTION

Workers Join Opposition To Make Mugabe Sweat

Pressure is mounting on Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe. The country's 
main labour movement, Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), staged a 
successful three-day stay-away recently to protest fuel price hikes. The 
strike brought most major towns to a halt. AANA Correspondent Kholwani 
Nyathi, gives an in-depth analysis of Mugabe's trying moments in the recent 
past.

T
he main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), plans 
to stage similar mass action to start this week and run into next 
month.	Their intention is to press Mugabe to quit power.

The ZCTU is a major constituency of the MDC, with most of the party's 
leadership being former labour activists.

MDC argues that Mugabe's re-election in March last year, was rigged by the 
Registrar General Tobaiwa Mudede, who allegedly inflated the voter's roll 
with ghost voters.

Mugabe is also accused of having masterminded a planned campaign of 
violence against opposition party members in the run-up to the election, 
using his party youths and war veterans. The election, which was rejected 
by Western observer groups, including the Commonwealth, is currently being 
challenged by MDC in the High Court.

Although ZCTU stay-away was initially sparked by fuel price increase, 
analysts say the mass action was part of broader plans by civic groups and 
the opposition to push Mugabe to negotiate his exit.

Respected political analyst, Professor Brian Raftopoulos, told a weekly 
paper here that the unstated objective of the renewed pressure on the 
government was meant to force Mugabe to consider early exit.

"The high price of fuel is genuine issue touching every Zimbabwean and it 
is this bottled-up anger within the populace that both the MDC and ZCTU are 
harnessing to push the government to address the syndrome of crises 
Zimbabwe is facing," he stated.

The professor went on to explain: "Put differently, the renewed pressure we 
are seeing from the opposition, labour and civic groups and also from 
within the region, is meant to push Mugabe to negotiate his exit".

Mugabe is also facing pressure from neighbouring countries such as 
Botswana, urging him to find a solution to Zimbabwe's political and 
economic problems.

Several members of parliament in Botswana were recently reported to be 
lobbying their government to take a tougher stance against Mugabe.

President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa is also facing mounting pressure 
internally and externally, against his "quiet diplomacy," approach towards 
the Zimbabwe crisis.

The country was suspended from the commonwealth councils last year, by a 
troika comprising South Africa, Nigeria and Australia, after controversial 
elections in March.

Mbeki was part of a team that extended the country's suspension from the 
club of former British colonies, but later distanced himself from the 
decision.

The South African president however, condemned the use of violence by 
Zimbabwean authorities in squashing mass action.

Not more than a week ago, private media claimed that armed police officers 
and members of the defence forces, forced closed shops to re-open during 
the strike.

Analysts said the response by the government to the mass action, was 
symptomatic of a regime under siege.

"The government's strong-arm reaction to the mass action, provides a gauge 
for civic groups and the opposition to measure their success," said Dennis 
Dlamini, a Zimbabwean political analyst, adding: "The deployment of armed 
police officers and soldiers to forcibly reopen closed companies and shops, 
can be read as the actions of a desperate regime".

Other observers said the popular support the work boycotts received, were 
indications that Mugabe was losing grip in the balance of political power.

Prominent civic activist Lovemore Madhuku, was quoted in the local press 
recently, saying that the success of the strikes indicated that Zimbabweans 
were ready to push out Mugabe's government.

"I think anyone can now call a strike and the whole of Zimbabwe will 
respond positively, as long as it is anti-Mugabe," he said.

Brussels-based International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICTFU), 
weighed in with support of the ZCTU action, saying fuel price hikes would 
worsen the economic situation in Zimbabwe.

"With the country facing raging inflation and the economy in disarray after 
more than 20 years of rule by Mugabe's regime, adopting policies such as 
fuel price hikes, will only make the situation worse and increase the 
already heavy burden on the people of Zimbabwe," the organisation said in a 
statement.

Mugabe's 23-year long rule faced its biggest threat from the formation of 
the MDC in 1999, with the opposition party winning 58 seats, out of 120, 
denying Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union - Partriotic Front (ZANU 
PF) an outright majority needed to amend the constitution.

The ruling party has refused to engage MDC in dialogue, claiming that the 
opposition party is being funded by Zimbabwe's former colonial master, 
Britain, to dislodge Mugabe from power.

The diplomatic rift between London and Harare deepened following the 
country's controversial land reform programme, and dubious electoral
processes.

Britain has refused to recognise the legitimacy of Mugabe's election win, 
and last year, with the assistance of the United States of America, imposed 
targeted sanctions on Mugabe and 72 of his associates.

The embattled President responded by issuing retaliatory travel bans on 
various British nationals, including Zimbabwean journalists working for a 
London-based radio station, in the country.

Of late, Mugabe appears increasingly aware of the mounting pressure around 
him, and has on several occasions hinted on succession plans.

There have also been reports of inter-party conspiracies to oust Mugabe, 
with the assistance of defence chiefs and the opposition.

In an interview on state television recently, Mugabe hinted his retirement 
plans. "We are getting to a stage where we shall say fine, we have settled 
this matter (land redistribution) and people can retire," he said.

More than 3 million Zimbabweans are in exile, due to the economic and 
political crisis in the country.

Trail Of Unresolved Cases Of Clergymen Deaths

Kenya government is set to re-open investigations into the mysterious death 
in the country, of an American Catholic priest three years ago. This 
follows pressure by Christians, who have since refused to accept a verdict 
that the priest, found dead by the roadside, had committed suicide. The 
re-introduction of the case has now invoked memories of a trail of 
unresolved cases of mysterious deaths of priests in the country, reports 
Muuna Wamuli.

B
esieged by several mysterious deaths of priests, the Church in Kenya has 
won part of the battle. The government has accepted a fresh probe into the 
death of 72 year-old outspoken Catholic Priest, Father John Anthony Kaiser.

On April 2, the government agreed to look afresh into a report by Kenya 
police and America's Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI), which gave a 
suicide verdict to the death of the priest, after interviewing 200 people.

The clergy are now expressing hope that the new probe into Kaiser's death 
may go a step further and set ground for resolving past mysterious deaths. 
In the records of the Church in Kenya are several unresolved cases of 
deaths of outspoken priests.

The Anglican Church of Kenya still mourns the unresolved death of an 
outspoken bishop, Rt Rev Alexander Kipsang Muge. The ardent critic of 
former Kenya African National Union (KANU) government had in 1989 set off 
on a journey that he would never finish.

The bishop had been warned by the then Minister for Labour, Mr. Peter 
Habenga Okondo, not to set foot in Busia town, bordering Uganda.  However, 
the fearless bishop ignored the warning and made the journey.  He lost his 
life in a road accident, suspected to have been arranged.

"The Minister couldn't have arranged Muge's death, but his words could have 
given someone else the idea," says an observer, who did not wish to be 
named.	Nevertheless, blame was heaped at the political establishment, 
since his death came following a series of bizarre events. To date no one 
is in custody for his death.

The Catholic Church avails a longer list of unresolved deaths of foreign 
priest living in Kenya.

In September 1998, Father Luigi Andeni, an Italian priest who had been 
working in Kenya since 1970, was killed in his home in Samburu district in 
central Kenya. His home was robbed, and authorities attributed the killing 
to thieves. However, Father Andeni had become controversial because of his 
efforts to mediate over ethnic disputes.

In January 1997, Brother Larry Timmon, an Irish national and Catholic monk, 
was shot and killed by police officers responding to an alleged robbery in 
Njoro town in the Rift Valley, about 190 kilometres from Nairobi.

Police initially reported the case as an accident, but Church officials 
termed the incident suspicious, noting that Timmons had criticised local 
government officials about corruption. The file has since been shelved.

In September 1994, Father Martin Boyle, another Irish citizen, was attacked 
and killed on a highway near Nairobi. He was reportedly carrying a large 
sum of money collected for a development project. Again the crime was 
chalked up as a case of armed robbery. One Kenyan bishop, however, has 
voiced suspicions that a ranking government official was involved in the
murder.

In January 1991, Father Luigi Guiseppe Graiff, an Italian, was killed, also 
in Samburu district. Two altar boys died with him. The murders were 
described as ethnic slayings.

In November 1965, Father Michael Stallone, another Italian, was killed as 
he inspected a church-building site at the southern end of Lake Turkana in 
northern Kenya.

None of these crimes have been resolved, neither are there any suspects 
being investigated.

It is this long list that has been fuelling the demand for a public inquest 
into the death of Fr. Kaiser. The priest was the third missionary to be 
killed in this East African nation within four years.

"The missionaries have many things in common," observes Archbishop Giovanni 
Tonucci, the papal nuncio in Kenya, stating: "They made themselves Kenyans 
to win the Kenyans; they made themselves weak to win the weak. Their lives 
had been offered in sacrifice."

Demand for re-investigation of	Fr. Kaiser's death came after sustained 
pressure by Catholics. The Church has welcomed government's intention to 
re-open the case.

Head of Catholic Church in Kenya, Archbishop  Ndingi Mwana a' Nzeki, 
observes that the Church is happy about the new investigations. "We hope 
the government will follow it to the end," he says

Chairman of Kenya Episcopal Conference, Archbishop John Njue also reaffirms 
that the clergy are happy that the "truth might be known."

Church leaders, backed by human rights activists, have all the time 
maintained that the priest was murdered.  The FBI suicide theory was based 
on his earlier medical history, which indicated that he had suffered some 
mental instability.

But the Church still questions how the priest could have shot himself, then 
put his hands in the pockets to stain them with blood.

"The [conclusion], meant to destroy the credibility of a witness of the 
gospel, is not acceptable," Archbishop Tonucci told the congregation in the 
last memorial service. "Fr. Kaiser's death was meant to silence the demand 
for justice and the respect for human life," he asserted.

Catholic faithful strongly feel that the priest did not take his life, 
since in his 36 years working as a missionary, he had found himself caught 
in battle with government officials and politicians over his crusade 
against illegal land acquisition, ethnic clashes and human rights abuses.

His death sparked off an outcry in Kenya and abroad, with people saying 
that the priest died due to his spirited fight against injustices.

Leading Catholic Bishops in Kenya have described Fr. Kaiser as a man of 
great courage and conviction, such that he would hardly back down in his 
crusade for what he believed was right. He never got discouraged, even in 
time of difficulty, the bishops contend.

In October 1999, the government sought to deport the priest, saying he was 
in the country illegally, since his work permit had expired. The priest 
went underground to avoid deportation, as the Church and the American 
Embassy in Nairobi stepped up pressure on the government to renew the permit.

In hiding, Fr. Kaiser told a church official: "I am saddened to be kicked 
out of a country I have served for better part of my life. I am more Kenyan 
than American. But I am happy that most Kenyans appreciate my work. Only a 
handful of people stand to gain if I leave the country."

Twists And Turns Of Uganda Women Struggles

A move by a Kampala disc jockey to drop his entertainment enterprise, which 
he would use to seduce girls to perform sexually suggestive dance strokes, 
is viewed as symbolic.	It is considered yet another milestone in Uganda's 
efforts to review factors that perpetuate gender imbalances, reports AANA 
Correspondent Crespo Sebunya.

R
ogers Mugisha confessed in church that he had left that "sinful" 
enterprise. He went along with his dance troupe named Shadow Angels.

"I misled so many girls.  I ask for forgiveness," said Mugisha. He 
confessed to have put girls under a spell to engage in erotic dances that 
sexually aroused patrons, who paid handsomely for the dance strokes.

The story of Mugusha reads like the biblical liberation of Saul, an 
oppressor stopped in his tracks on his way to Damascus, and later converted 
into Paul, the preacher.  "I had a vision in my room where the Holy Spirit 
asked me to change my ways," he recalls. He confesses having mercilessly 
exploited the young girls sexually, for commercial gains.

Mugisha's Shadow Angels enterprise highlighted some of the things women in 
Uganda were fighting against; manipulation of their femininity for male 
gratification.

His story comes at a time when Ugandan women are recognising that it is 
co-operation that will provide a winning formula for the realisation of 
equal opportunities, rather than confrontation, as has been the case.

More women need jobs to be less reliant on favours from men. To some, the 
road to achieve this can still be through men. "Without male support, there 
is little we can achieve," says Jackie Ocan, a student of development 
studies at Gulu University in northern Uganda.

She acknowledges that women have a battle on their hands, which is to 
re-orient the mindset of men.  "Our culture is bad because it treats women 
as property. When a woman stands up to a principle, male folk will say 
'that home has two men in it'," she says.

Nevertheless, women in Uganda have made significant strides in politics and 
education, since Uganda realised peace in 1986, when Yoweri Museveni took 
power.

Uganda Women Network (UWONET), a co-ordinating non-governmental 
organisation (NGO) for women groups in the country, says women have 
advanced in education, and that at Makerere University (the largest 
university in the country), female student population is now 30 percent 
compared to seven percent in 1986.

In politics, their victory is symbolised by the engagement of Dr Specioza 
Kazibwe as Vice-President.  She is the first woman to be in that position 
in Uganda. In the legislature, women account for 25 percent of the 300
members.

But success has tempted some to become arrogant and contemptuous of 
men.  It is fashionable in Uganda for successful women to disparage men. Dr 
Wandira Kazibwe, who describes herself as a cantankerous person, is famous 
for her quotes of how unromantic African men are, and how male legislators 
come to parliament with smelly socks.

The media is full of stories written by female writers, where snide and 
often rude remarks are made against men. In addition, artists, such as one 
female-dominated music group known as KADS Band, which appeals to upstarts, 
has put up songs that portray the need for city girls to go to rural areas 
and hunt for "raw" men they could mould to their liking.

Yet this attitude has had a price. Some women have taken advice from women 
politicians not to marry uneducated men, with fatal consequences.  A case 
exists of a night watchman who paid for his girlfriend's education to 
university level. She dropped him after the studies, an action she paid 
with her life.

Women battles are half-won and some have come to realise that they are 
still vulnerable, since many existing laws are in favour of men.

A 1998 Domestic Relations Bill that was intended to also recognise 
cohabitation, which now accounts for half of the man-woman unions in 
Uganda, is a non-starter and has not been brought into parliament for debate.

UWONET has listed 20 laws that address the plight of women, which need to 
be reviewed and amended to be objective.  Moreover, government statistics 
show that women hold only seven percent of professional jobs in the country.

Dr Margaret Mungherera, the President of Uganda Medical Workers Association 
says women chances of climbing the ladder of success are still hampered by 
male dominance and intransigence.

"The top eight decision makers in the Ministry of Health are males, though 
there are some qualified women," she points out.  She fears that this could 
be problematic.  "Female doctors have their workload, but when it comes to 
big contracts, male doctors don't pass them to female colleagues," she 
complains.

Women's less appearance on the job market could also be partly attributed 
to sexual harassment.  Dr Victoria Mukasa, Secretary of the Uganda Women 
Doctors, fears that sexual harassment has reached epidemic 
proportions.  "It is a big challenge that we face," she says.

Others have been forced to take less favourable courses.  Lydia Kabuye is a 
Mass Communication student who is now specialising in Public Relations 
(PR), not that PR was her favourite. She dropped electronic journalism in 
response against sexual harassment.

Against this backdrop, the government is in the process of creating an 
Equal Opportunities Commission, which is to be led by Dr Sylvia Tamale, and 
will be mandated to implement specific non-discriminatory legislation.

However, there is a growing concern among some women activists over the 
limitations of affirmative action. Some think that victory should come 
after women become self confident to take on men.

Winnie Byanyima, a legislator who defeated men to claim a parliamentary 
seat, prefers that her approach should be replicated as part of a 
confidence building measure.  Her view is that at times women could be 
victims of affirmative action as it perpetuates a notion that they are a 
weaker sex.

Jacqueline Asiimwe, UWONET Coordinator, thinks time to give affirmative 
action a break is still a long haul.  "Purpose of affirmative action is yet 
to be realised," she says and adds, "there should be equal representation 
of men and women for appointive posts because there is a pool of 
professional women."

Mrs Janet Museveni, Uganda's First Lady, says better communication skills 
will help women achieve what they want.  "Instead of trying to be adamant 
and fighting each other at the family level, we should discuss problems as 
men and women," she said recently.

She does not want men tyranny to be replaced by women tyranny, but a 
strategy that is realistic and considerate to each other's interest.  "Our 
success should be balanced so that we do not realise later that the system 
had become more favourable to women, leaving out men," she observed.