wfn.org | Burmese Christians struggle to cope under military rule

[ENS@ecunet.org]

2001-309

Burmese Christians struggle to cope under military rule

by James H. Thrall

     (ENS) In the southeast Asian country of Burma, dubbed Myanmar by the 
military regime that has ruled in one form or another for nearly 40 years, a 
faint--very faint--hope hovers. 

     Since October of 2000, it is reported, government representatives have been 
conducting behind-the-scenes talks with Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu 
Kyi, leader of the main opposition party. 

     Optimists suggest the talks will lead to a new level of political and 
personal freedom, perhaps through some kind of power-sharing arrangement between 
the junta and Aung San Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy (NLD). 

     Pessimists, who would call themselves realists, expect nothing.

     Either way, for the people of Burma, including the approximately six percent 
who are Christians, it is still time to "wait and see," to make do, to figure out 
how to fill the gaps in a society that often seems to be barely functioning.

Walking a careful line

     In outlying regions, especially near the border with Thailand, military 
action between the government and ethnic insurgents, between the government and 
drug traffickers, among drug traffickers, between ethnic groups, and at times 
between the government and Thailand itself, makes existence dangerous and 
unstable. Faced with threats of conscription as forced labor, rape and death, 
members of the Karen minority group in particular have been forced over decades 
to flee to refugee camps in Thailand. Segments of the Shan people reportedly have 
made similar migrations in recent years, though there are not yet refugee camps 
to serve them.

     But even in urban centers such as the capital Rangoon (renamed Yangon), 
citizens struggle with a crumbling infrastructure, erratic electricity, runaway 
inflation, ubiquitous government surveillance, and a dearth of economic and 
educational opportunities. Mild criticism of the government can lead to prison: 
despite the recent release of nearly 200 members of the NLD as a goodwill gesture 
by the government, Amnesty International estimates more than 1,500 political 
prisoners are currently detained. [For this reason, the names of some of the 
sources interviewed for this article have been omitted.]

     To a large extent, therefore, making do means avoiding notice. While church 
organizations must assume they are as much the targets of government observation 
as the rest of the population, stepping carefully can sometimes prevent 
surveillance from turning into interference.

     "You have to be able to follow the right track for your survival," observed 
one Burmese Anglican. "You have to be very innocent," echoed a Baptist church 
leader. "You have to try to be innocent."

Unequal treatment

     Even so, one Anglican man seemed to speak for many when he said, "We have to 
get permission for whatever we do, for any special celebration. That is why I 
don't agree that there is no religious interference. There is interference in 
many things."

     As a minority in a country where the government gives vigorous support to 
the majority faith of Buddhism, Christians are, by unstated practice, essentially 
barred from positions of power in the government or military. Especially in some 
rural villages in certain regions, they can face physical harassment and threats 
to personal and church property. In the government's strict control of movement 
and residency, Christians may be refused permission to live in areas in which 
there are not already other Christians. 

     Christian publications with print runs of more of 1,000 copies or intended 
for circulation beyond the church must be submitted to censorship. Bibles and 
theological books, especially those mentioning peace or justice, can be 
considered contraband. Open-air preaching is forbidden. Worship can be conducted 
only in specially licensed buildings. Stepped-up enforcement in recent months has 
severely limited the buildings approved.

     In part, some observed, Christian churches get included in restrictions 
actually directed toward Islamic groups in the wake of sometimes violent clashes 
between Muslims, who make up about four percent of the population, and Buddhists. 
But whatever the basis, the inequalities in treatment toward Buddhism and all 
other religions are clear.

     "I think the government wants to use Buddhism as a tool, as a weapon for 
unity," said one Christian man. "They want people to think 'We are a Buddhist 
country.'" In its financial support of Buddhism, "this regime hijacked the 
religion," agreed another. "They have built a lot of pagodas."

     Certain highly publicized events, such as the transportation of an eight- to 
nine-ton Buddha statue to a temple in Insein, on the outskirts of Rangoon, offer 
distractions to the public, suggested another Christian. The regular visits of 
government officials supposedly to oversee the project are the constant focus of 
press reports "to make people not think about political things," he said.

An Anglican advantage

     The Most Rev. Samuel San Si Htay, Burma's new Anglican archbishop, suggested 
that Anglicans may fare slightly better than Christians of some other 
denominations. Although the Church of the Province of Myanmar carefully avoids 
using the word "Anglican" in its name to forestall historic associations with 
Burma's British colonizers, Anglican practices bear helpful similarities to 
Buddhist customs, at least as compared with evangelical denominations.

     "We have seasons and festivals like the Buddhists. We have orders and our 
bishops meet in councils," he said. Some Anglican missionaries in the past also 
tended to resemble Buddhist priests, wearing Burmese clothing, going barefoot, 
fasting, and often being single.

     Since the government rarely grants permission to construct new church 
buildings, even on licensed church property, the Anglican province has the 
additional advantage of an existing network of more than 160 churches. "Before, 
during British rule, many places built very nice Anglican churches," said 
Assistant Bishop Philip Aung Khin Thein of the Diocese of Mandalay. "It's not 
difficult for us to do ministry because we don't have to build new ones."

     Even so, he said, "sometimes if we hold some seminar or meeting or 
something, they [government officials] come and ask so many questions." With the 
recent crackdown on unlicensed worship, "it looks as though it is getting worse," 
San Si Htay observed. "They do not pay respect to other faiths, other religions. 
They do whatever they like. Now to go out [of the country] for religious meetings 
is very, very difficult."

     Several members of the clergy of various denominations said that it is 
usually impossible to get a passport if their applications identify them as 
pastors. While hired brokers can sometimes successfully arrange for passports, 
the process, almost always involving bribes, can be quite expensive. In addition, 
Burmese citizens who leave to work in other countries are required to pay a 
portion of their salaries to the government through a special and heavy tax.

Role of mediation

     Some Anglicans complained that their denomination has been less vocal on 
political matters than it could be. Other denominations have been more likely to 
speak out against injustice, they said, particularly the Myanmar Baptist 
Convention, which with a combined total of more than a million baptized and 
unbaptized members dwarfs any other denomination.

     But others noted that Anglicans, including recently retired Archbishop 
Andrew Mya Han, have played key roles in mediation between the government and 
some ethnic insurgencies. They have also been leaders in theological education, 
and in the Myanmar Council of Churches (MCC), the national Christian organization 
based in Rangoon.

     It is too early to tell, several said, what kind of a stance their church 
will take under its new archbishop. San Si Htay, enthroned before a congregation 
of nearly 1,000 at Rangoon's Holy Trinity Cathedral in June, was chosen largely 
out of respect for "his spirituality and devotional life," suggested one member 
of the faculty at Holy Cross Theological College, the Anglican seminary in 
Rangoon. "He's considered very honest and sincere." 

     As former principal of Holy Cross, and former general secretary of the MCC, 
San Si Htay also brings significant administrative experience. On the other hand, 
observed the faculty member, he is perhaps "a little bit quiet." 

     While that may mean the church will maintain a low profile in addressing 
what is routinely called "the political situation," the teacher said, "maybe for 
the church that is good. We need reconciliation in different ways. We need to be 
involved in society in different ways, like salt."

     Theological students at a meeting at Holy Cross tended to talk more about 
serving the church than effecting political change, though some, like one male 
student, called for the church to "actively give witness like the Baptists. Young 
people expect their leaders to be active. Old ministers are very quiet."

Strength in numbers

     What Christian opposition to government policies does get voiced tends to be 
channeled through the M.C.C., which represents the province and 12 other 
denominations, as well as nine "cooperating" organizations such as the Bible 
Society of Myanmar and the National Council of YMCAs. If any Christian 
organization is taken seriously by the government, said San Si Htay, it is the 
combined Protestant voices of the MCC., especially when joined by Roman Catholic 
churches.

     He said he was hopeful that recent contact between MCC leaders and the 
government's religious ministries office would open up some direct, though non-
public, avenues of raising Christian concerns. "Whatever happened, we said we 
were not going to tell the media or outside people. We were going to tell the 
government," he said.

     Still, admitted the Rev. Smith Nguhl Za Thawng, current MCC general 
secretary, even the council has never been overly "vocal, never been outspoken," 
focusing instead on a far-reaching array of ministries that attempt to address 
the country's dire social needs.

     MCC offices draw together ecumenical support for specific projects assisting 
women, children, youth, and college students, as well as those "differently 
abled." Agricultural development groups, an urban-rural mission, and education 
and literacy programs, among others, also attempt to curb the effects of Burma's 
weak economy. 

     During government efforts to orchestrate the writing of a national 
constitution that would preserve military control, the council sent a letter 
protesting the inclusion of unelected military delegates in the convention, and 
calling for constitutional protection of religious freedom. It wrote again in 
1997 to welcome the at least stated shift in emphasis when the ruling State Law 
and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), established to enforce martial law 
following a bloody general strike in 1988, reconstituted itself as the State 
Peace and Development Council (SPDC). "We said we welcomed the spirit of the 
changed name, which is peace and development, and we hoped that this name will 
bear fruit," Smith Nguhl Za Thawng said.

Consensus is difficult 

     Last August the council was considering writing another letter that would 
address the reported dialogue between the government and the NLD. But as is often 
the case with committees representing different religious traditions, getting 
even the MCC's Executive Council to reach a consensus can be difficult, he said. 
Some wanted the letter on the dialogue widely posted in all churches; others did 
not want it written at all. And others suggested the letter would make no 
difference one way or another.

     In fact, despite the aggravation of government interference, it can 
sometimes be even more galling for Christian leaders to accept how marginalized 
they are when they do want to be noticed. 

     "We are more or less ignored," said Smith Nguhl Za Thawng. This can have its 
advantages. "The government never asks what we are teaching in the seminary, who 
are the teachers," he said. "We can teach whatever we like. We can hire whomever 
we like."

     But "our degrees are not recognized," he said. Holders of advanced degrees 
usually must pay "education clearance" fees on a sliding scale when obtaining a 
passport to leave the country, if they can get one. In what might be considered a 
back-handed insult, "we need pay nothing for religious degrees," he said.

Anti-Western stance 

     In part, Christian churches are caught in the regime's odd ambivalence 
toward the West. Moves since the 1990s to establish what is called an "open 
market policy" that will attract foreign investment and aid the country's 
modernization have spurred efforts to make Burma welcoming to foreigners, 
including a reversal of past bans on English language training in schools, said 
one teacher of English. Such moves are welcome, he said, but amount to trying to 
"dig the well only when we are thirsty," given Burma's desperate need to catch up 
after a 30-year government-imposed isolation that began in the 1960s.

     While the government touts the construction of luxury hotels and the 
installation of digital traffic lights in downtown Rangoon as signs Burma really 
is stepping into the 21st century, the government-controlled newspaper, The New 
Light of Myanmar, even more regularly attacks examples of western decadence, 
especially among young people.

     "There's no distinction between Christians and Westerners," said one 
Anglican. "Whenever they see Christianity, they see in their mind the 
colonizers."

      "Myanmar is always against the West," agreed a Baptist, especially since 
the United States has strongly supported the NLD's call for democratic reform and 
has imposed trade sanctions. Instead, the current regime is always looking north 
for counsel and support. For them, "China is my master," he said.

     Historically, Burma's ethnic groups also have embraced Christianity far more 
enthusiastically than has the country's majority. Since most of the country's 
ethnic groups have engaged in armed rebellions against the government at one time 
or another, "Christian" and "rebel" may be seen as synonymous. "To be Burmese is 
to be Buddhist" is a mantra of national identification, observed Smith Nguhl Za 
Thawng. "So who are we? We are aliens in our own country. We are seen as 
traitors."

New roads of evangelism

      Born out of missionary campaigns spearheaded by the Roman Catholic 
Portuguese in the 18th century and the American Baptists in the 19th, Burma's 
churches still wrestle with a heritage that equates church with evangelism.

     Especially with the government's support, and with increasing international 
interest in Burma as a key country for the study of the Theravada Buddhist 
tradition, Buddhism is experiencing a renaissance in the country. "The resurgence 
of Buddhism is a challenge to us," requiring new efforts to share the Gospel, 
admitted San Si Htay. With only 200 to 250 priests and 57,000 church members in 
the province, "We still rely too much on the parish priest. We have to mobilize 
lay persons." 

     At the same time, during the Anglican Communion's Decade of Evangelism that 
concluded in 2000, "instead of learning from Buddhism, we tried to intensively 
evangelize, assert that we're better than Buddhism," he said. "That they don't 
like. They challenge us to learn something from them."

     The church's social ministries, often generated as attempts to address what 
is lacking in government programs, can be at least one effective form of 
evangelism, suggested the Rev. Napoleon Aung Tun, a deacon and provincial 
coordinator of evangelism and mission. "We prefer to speak of the Gospel rather 
than evangelism," he said. "You must go out and work in the community."

     With so many ethnic groups and different shades of Buddhism and animism as 
well as Islam practiced in the country, Christians need to stand out, said the 
Rev. Peter Thein Maung, provincial treasurer. "We need to go into a community and 
establish Christian identity. Nowadays people do not read the Bible. They read 
the Christian person."

     An MCC committee on Buddhist-Christian dialogue has been advocating new 
approaches for relations with the country's dominant religion, but first it is 
having to convince church groups that there should be a dialogue at all. "Many 
church members think Buddhists are atheists and going to hell," said the Rev. 
Samuel Htang Oak, vicar of Holy Trinity Cathedral and committee chair. "And 
Buddhists think Christians are in darkness."

     Christians ask "if we're doing dialogue, will we be watering down the fervor 
of evangelism?" said committee member U Aung Khin, former general secretary of 
the MCC, and a Christian married to a Buddhist. "The church people are very much 
afraid of 'dialogue.' So we use the words 'conversation,' 'fellowship.'"

Mutual understanding

     The committee's goal is mutual understanding, but true dialogue could mean 
really being open to the possibility of change, Aung Khin suggested. "We have the 
phrase 'uniqueness of Christ.' But do we want to learn something about the 
uniqueness of Buddha?"

     So far there has been no government resistance to the staging of such 
'conversations,' so long as the discussion is only on religious issues," said 
Aung Khin. "If we try to talk about politics and social issues, the government is 
a little allergic to that." However, there might be stronger government reaction 
should dialogue lead to "real unity," he speculated. "The government uses a 
policy of divide and conquer. They want to keep us divided."

     In the predominantly Karen and Mon Diocese of Hpa-an, near Thailand, Bishop 
Daniel Hoikyin is chair of a two-year-old Buddhist-Christian Peace Council that 
includes four Buddhist monks and five Christian clergy. "We want to let the 
government know we are the people who can speak for the people," though so far 
the group has not been able to engage in direct negotiations, Hoikyin said. "We 
are trying to build up our links."

     And while that kind of cooperative venture is "very rare," in some villages 
relations can be very close, Htang Oak said, with Christians and Buddhists 
volunteering to provide kitchen services during each others' religious festivals.

     Evangelistic efforts by what local church leaders called "parachurches" can 
cause their own type of difficulty, however. The influx of evangelical and 
Pentecostal groups--many not associated with particular denominations--in recent 
years has complicated relations between churches, and between churches and the 
government.

     Especially from the United States, "a lot of people are coming in with 
dollars in a style that we are not comfortable with," reported Aung Tun. "Open 
market has allowed so many people in, like a wind. It's better to understand our 
tradition."

Occasional crackdowns

     The groups' noisy celebrations in unlicensed buildings and sometimes 
questionable evangelistic tactics have prompted occasional crackdowns on all 
Christian groups. Denominational leaders also complained that parachurches draw 
members from existing churches, rather than from among non-Christians, and 
compete with established churches for the limited sources of foreign assistance. 
The plethora of churches confuses non-Christians, and raises questions about 
church unity for Christians as well, observed San Si Htay.

     Yet others have welcomed the energy evangelical groups can bring. The pastor 
of the Rangoon Kachin Baptist Church said that the parachurches that have been in 
the country for a while become more effective witnesses as they tone down the 
aggressiveness of their evangelizing. And while the groups have caused divisions, 
especially initially, they have also "awakened our evangelical slumber," said the 
Rev. Simon Pau Khan En, general secretary of the Myanmar Baptist Convention.

      "This revival worship is very noisy" while the "Burmese Anglican service is 
very traditional," said the Rev. James Naw Sam of St. George's Church in Taunggyi 
in the Shan State. "But I like the revival."

     As part of a strategy for economic survival, St. George's small Anglican 
congregation shares its building with two parachurch groups, setting different 
times for Sunday worship. The alliance has put the congregation at odds with some 
of the other churches in Taunggyi, Naw Sam admitted, saying he finds it 
particularly difficult to organize "unity services" with the city's majority 
Baptists.	

Dealing with the economy

     In order to support the outreach of two lay religious educators--one male, 
one female--serving rural areas north of Taunggyi, Naw Sam said, the church has 
gone into business, setting up a snack and tea shop on the corner of its 
property. "The majority of our congregation are very poor," he said. He uses a 
motorcycle to navigate Taunggyi's hilly streets, but also to visit the remote 
missions, located in areas still closed to foreigners because of continued drug 
trafficking and unrest.

     Inflation, running at 20 percent over the past year, has made a difficult 
economic life nearly impossible for Anglican clergy trying to live on stipends of 
between 4,000 and 5,000 kyats ($8 to $10) a month, said San Si Htay. With current 
prices, he noted, "one bag of rice of good quality will be 4,000 kyats."

     To make ends meet, clergy wives may farm or work to sell items, he said. 
"Whenever there is a prayer meeting, they also give donations to the clergy." But 
"if you are ill or find some difficulty, it can be very hard. And regarding 
educating your children, even in a village, it costs money." For clergy children 
to actually complete high school, he said, "is very, very difficult."  

     Meanwhile, clergy must assist parishioners to meet the same challenges, 
especially rural residents who give up on farming to seek work in the cities. 
"Formerly, it was enough to preach a very simple sermon," said San Si Htay. "Now 
priests must educate their congregations in how to live." 

     Economic conditions in rural areas have been exacerbated by government rice 
quotas that can absorb a crippling percentage of farmers' production or lead to 
confiscation of farms if the quotas can't be met. Especially in ethnic areas, 
land is occasionally simply seized by the military for its own use, or to permit 
foreign companies to produce rubber and other products for export.

Education a priority 

     Young people, in particular, are migrating from rural areas, though 
opportunities for work are little better in the cities. Especially in Karen and 
Mon areas near Thailand, young people who cross the border to try to find work 
are susceptible to being caught up in the sex trades there, said San Si Htay. 
"That is the only means they have to help their families, but their families do 
not know," he said.

     The MCC set up a safe house in the Shan State to assist girls coming back 
from brothels in Thailand, "but very few come back," said San Si Htay. "Those who 
come back are very ill," and often avoid the safe house. "If you stay there, 
people will know you have HIV/AIDS and will shun you," he said.

     Young men may also join the armies on either side of the border out of 
desperation, be forcibly recruited or, along with women, be pressed into service 
as porters. "It is very peaceful here in the cities. Not along the border, even 
150 miles from here," said San Si Htay.

     Bishop Hoikyin estimated that a third of the diocese's 6,000 members may be 
in Thailand, either trying to work or fleeing military incursions. "As Karen, it 
is very easy to cross the border, like a second home," he said. "There are a lot 
of people who do not join them, but our hearts are with them."

     Hoikyin said the diocese, the province's smallest, has made education for 
young people a priority, and is building hostels at the diocesan center where 
male and female students from rural areas can live while they attend high school. 
"We have to train our future leaders," he said. 

     The diocese is trying to develop agricultural vocational training programs 
"for those who can't pursue higher education," while also offering instruction in 
traditional Karen culture. Hoikyin said he is particularly eager to create local 
economic opportunities. "If you can set up a business inside, then the people 
will come back," he said.

     Playing on the name of the government's ruling council, Hoikyin said, "our 
goal is peace and development, just like the government, because you can't have 
peace without development." He added, "I try to help the government, but not in 
the way they like. If you try to create peace from the grassroots, you are 
helping the government even if they don't recognize it."

Making a mission of the future

     Part of the church's mission, suggested San Si Htay, is simply to help the 
country's people prepare for a day when life will be different.

     "People should know what they need for development, what they need for the 
village, what they need for their family," he said. "The situation is such that 
we do not know what to do."

     Democracy, when it comes, will be as much of a challenge in its way as the 
current oppression, especially given the divisions among Burma's many ethnic 
groups, he said. "It will take a long time. Suppose we have a Karen state. Among 
the Karen there are 40 different tribes. What language should they speak?"

     While many attribute the failures of Burma's economy and social structure to 
government greed and paranoia, San Si Htay suggested officials at times simply 
are ignorant.

     "What I think is even the military, they love the country also," he said. 
"They want to be a part of the international community. They want to do their 
best. They think they can do something, although they are not politicians." 

     He echoed the sentiments of many in Burma who said they cling to the 
expectation that better days are coming. "This kind of thing cannot go on 
forever," he said. "We pray that God will change their mind. Their minds are 
changing."

     The church may help most by working to "teach people and equip them" for 
their eventual responsibilities as free citizens, San Si Htay said. "We still 
hope that there will be a role for the church to assist the community, because 
the government cannot do it alone," he said. "Some NGOs play a limited role, but 
churches can reach to the grassroots. We have many things we have to do. We need 
many things. It may not be in the name of the church but of the community."

     The future of Burma may depend on "those who really have faith, those who 
believe in God, those who have religion, including Buddhists," he said. "We are 
people who have hope. We don't lose hope. God is the only reason that gives us 
hope, that we are able to face these kinds of things."

--James H. Thrall is a doctoral student in the Graduate Program in Religion at 
Duke University and former deputy director of ENS.