wfn.org | Palestinian Christians Offer Non-violent Strategy

[JerusalemRelOrgs@aol.com]

For information, contatct:
Fr. Raed Abusahlia
Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem
P.O.Box  14152 - Jerusalem 97500
E-mail address: latinpat@actcom.co.il 
Patriarchate's Homepage: www.lpj.org 

Other contacts:
Jonathan Kuttab: jkuttab@alqudsnet.com
Mubarak Awad: mawad@nyap.org.

JERUSALEM, May 10, 2002--Two prominent Palestinian Christians have issued a 
call for a non-violent resistance strategy that is circulating throughout the 
West Bank and Gaza.

     The proposal seeks massive political involvement by all Palestinian 
people as well as international support from other Arabs and from the world 
Christian community.  The goal of the non-violent action, according to the 
two peace activists, is an end to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and 
Gaza and the dismantling of settlements.  They support a two-state solution 
to the present crisis.

     One of the authors of the document is Jonathan Kuttab, Esq., a 
widely-respected human rights lawyer in Palestine who has earned a reputation 
as a lay theologian as a member of Sabeel, a movement for Palestinian 
liberation theology.  Kuttab is an Episcopalian who is part of the 
Arabic-speaking community at St. George's Cathedral in Jerusalem.

     The other author-advocate is a Bethlehemite who directs Nonviolence 
International.  He is a Baptist.  Both have extensive contacts in the United 
States and Europe.

     Their document follows:

A Call for a Non-violent Resistance Strategy in Palestine

     1. Overview 
     
     The Palestinian people have a genuine chance to achieve their national 
goals, in spite of the enormous gap between them and their foes, if they 
pursue a conscious, organized strategy of non-violent resistance to the 
occupation on a massive scale.  Such a strategy would provide a role for the 
entire Palestinian people, both inside and outside of Palestine, and would 
include the Arab world, the international community, and even genuinely 
peace-loving Israelis.  It would focus the energies of the entire nation and 
move the struggle into an arena that maximizes our natural advantages and 
neutralizes much of the power of our opponents.

     For this strategy to succeed, it must be adopted on a massive scale by 
large segments of the Palestinian population and by the Palestinian National 
Authority (PNA) itself.  It must involve a strategic, long-term commitment 
and not simply be symbolic or episodic in character. 

     To achieve this commitment, we need broad public discussions involving 
unions, students, civil society institutions, and the local Palestinian 
media.  Political discussion within the community must be revived so that 
participation is universal and everyone has a voice instead of a gun.

     To this end, we must call for immediate national elections, even if it 
means that Hamas and other extremist groups win many votes.  The armed 
factions must be transformed into political parties, and a new Palestinian 
Social Democratic Party must be established to provide a political home for 
those 
who are dissatisfied with the current factions.  Elections have to be planned 
and carried out regularly, instead of being one-time affairs as in the past.  
If the Israeli authorities try to block such elections, the elections 
themselves will become a battlefield for the non-violent struggle as the 
Palestinian's peaceful struggle for democracy, is pitted against the might of 
the occupation's war machine.

     2.  International Support 

     The role of the Arab and Muslim worlds is crucial.  Non-violence, in the 
form of boycotts, protests, and diplomatic pressure, must be applied to 
translate their support into concrete pressure on Israel.  Fiery speeches and 
futile threats of war against Israel are counterproductive.  A principled 
campaign of non-violent support, however, can bear results.  Massive marches 
toward the borders in support of the Right of Return must be planned.  While 
the governments in neighboring Arab states can easily prohibit armed 
incursions across their borders, they would be very hard pressed to stop 
Palestinians from attempting to peacefully return to their homeland.

     The international community, especially churches, should be enlisted in 
the struggle, focusing on the settlements and the occupation.  The 
Palestinian cause is just and is based on morality and international law.  
Every opportunity should be taken to frame the question in these terms and to 
challenge the illegal nature of the occupation.   The past year has yielded 
numerous instances of war crimes for which Israel and specific commanders 
should be held accountable before war crimes tribunals.   We must insist that 
the UN take action on these issues.

     Those who support occupation and its crimes must be shamed and 
challenged everywhere.  This creates a worldwide arena for a non-violent 
struggle based on morality and international law.  South Africa's apartheid 
regime faced such a fight and ultimately collapsed.  Israel is far more 
vulnerable because it is highly dependent on the rest of the world, 
particularly Europe and the United States, and cannot afford to ignore these 
voices.  

     Massive boycotts of Israeli products and services, as well as cultural, 
sports, educational, and diplomatic activities, should be conducted.  These 
protests must be linked to specific individuals or to specific policies.  
Each activity or event can become a focus for protest and a pressure point.  
Broad general boycotts that oppose all Israelis are unfair and unworkable.

     Such a campaign would set the struggle in its proper context and enlist 
the participation of people of goodwill all over the world, including many 
Jews and others who would support Israel as a victim of violence, but contest 
its oppression of Palestinians and its occupation and settlement policies.

     3. Obstacles to a Non-violent Approach 

     One problem with convincing Palestinians to adopt non-violence is the 
"Hezbollah argument."  Under Hezbollah, the Lebanese resistance successfully 
ended the Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon by armed resistance, which 
made the continued occupation too costly for Israel.  Hezbollah's satellite 
television channel Al Manar constantly reminds Palestinians of this success 
and urges them to follow Hezbollah's example. 

     However, the Israelis never considered south Lebanon part of Israel and 
they did not settle it.  For them, the occupation of south Lebanon could 
easily be abandoned once the cost in lives was too great and outweighed the 
military benefits of its continuation.  On the other hand, the Palestinian 
armed struggle is often interpreted as a threat against Israel itself, and 
not only its occupation and settlements.

     When the issue is the existence of the state of Israel itself, Israelis 
and their supporters abroad will present a united front and fight with no 
regard to cost and the number of casualties.  

     However, if the issues are the settlements and the occupation, more than 
half of the Israeli population may be flexible.  Only 30 percent of all 
settlers are ideologically motivated.  The other 70 percent are attracted to 
the financial advantages of settlements.  A fight against the hardcore 30 
percent of settlers is winnable, but a fight against all Israelis, afraid 
that their very existence is being threatened, may not be.

     Some may argue that the goal of armed resistance is not to destroy 
Israel, but to end the occupation, but that is unconvincing to Israelis, 
particularly when average Israelis are being killed and wounded, and when 
military activities spill over into Israel itself.  In contrast, a 
non-violent struggle cannot be misunderstood as a physical threat to Israel.  
Large masses of Israelis who truly yearn for a just peace can be enlisted in 
a non-violent struggle against occupation and settlements, while there is 
almost no chance of enlisting them in any armed Palestinian activity.

     It must be understood that Palestinians would ultimately choose 
non-violence as a practical and useful tool to fight occupation and not in 
order to appease Israeli liberals or the United States.  Although Palestinian 
armed struggle against the occupation is both morally and legally legitimate, 
it may be ineffective, futile, and counterproductive.  If Palestinians choose 
non-violence, it would only be because they are convinced that it can achieve 
results.  It must be engaged in as a serious, militant, and difficult choice 
in favor of resistance and struggle.  Submission to occupation and surrender 
is not an option for us.

     What are the chances that such an approach will work?  There is no more 
assurance of ultimate victory in a non-violent struggle than in an armed 
struggle.  However, in an armed struggle, the Israelis have overwhelming 
military superiority and would restrict the battle to the military arena, far 
away from the limits imposed by law, morality, and principles.  The Israelis 
know how to fight against an armed antagonist, but have no understanding of 
how to deal with non-violent resistance.  They expect, and need, the 
Palestinians to be either submissive or violent.  A non-violent approach 
would neutralize much of Israel's military might.

---
     Background on proponents:

     In the early 1980s, Mubarak Awad was able to convince many Palestinians 
as well as other Arabs and Muslims that non-violence can work and that it is 
more powerful than any other weapon we have.  Because of his work, the 
Israelis considered him dangerous and he was arrested and subsequently 
deported.  

     Nonetheless, there continues to be a great interest in non-violence.  
What is lacking is an overall strategy and commitment to do it on a massive 
scale.  People are still trapped in the rhetoric of armed struggle, and many, 
especially abroad, would rather applaud the armed struggle from afar than 
actively engage in non-violent struggle and take responsibility for the 
future.

     Jonathan Kuttab is a Palestinian human rights lawyer and peace activist. 
 Mubarak Awad is director of Nonviolence International.  The above text may 
be used without permission but with proper attribution to the author and to 
the Center for Policy Analysis on Palestine.  This Information Brief does not 
necessarily reflect the views of CPAP or The Jerusalem Fund. 

-end-