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Episcopalians: Justice for Africa and Middle East on agenda of ecumenical meeting in Washington
From
dmack@episcopalchurch.org
Date
Thu, 13 Mar 2003 13:17:54 -0500
March 13, 2003
2003-056
Episcopalians: Justice for Africa and Middle East on agenda of
ecumenical meeting in Washington
by James Solheim
(ENS) While most of the world's attention was focused on an
impending war in Iraq, an ecumenical gathering of advocates
working for just US policies in Africa and the Middle East drew
over 300 participants to Washington, DC, at the end of February.
The conference was sponsored by Churches for Middle East Peace,
the Washington Office on Africa, the Africa Faith and Justice
Network, the Stand with Africa Campaign, and Peaceful Ends
through Peaceful Means, an ecumenical coalition working for
peace in Palestine and Israel.
The program ran on parallel tracks with a wide range of
speakers, issue briefings, and advocacy training workshops,
culminating in visits to Congressional and State Department
offices. "At a time when Africa faces enormous challenges and
crises, many rooted in decisions made by powerful outside forces
and institutions, US priorities toward the continent are
glaringly inadequate," said the Rev. Leon Spencer, an Episcopal
priest who is executive director of the Washington Office on
Africa.
The Africa track focused on issues such as HIV/AIDS, debt,
economic justice, armed conflicts, and the effect of the US
trade agenda on African development.
Participants in the Middle East track encountered a gloomy
description of a collapsed peace process, a vicious cycle of
violence, and very few signs that Israelis and Palestinians
would solve their deepening conflict any time in the near
future--especially without help from the United States.
Few signs of hope
"It is very difficult to speak of a hopeful vision at this
time," said the Rev. Mitri Raheb, pastor of Christmas Lutheran
Church in Bethlehem, when Ariel Sharon has been reelected as
prime minister of Israel and "settlements are expanding
throughout the West Bank like mushrooms, an eight meter wall is
being build around Bethlehem, transforming it into a big prison
for 170,000 people. How can we speak of hope at a time when
preemptive war is becoming a legitimate option and tool in
international politics?"
"The first victim of the last two years is hope," he added.
"Hope was assassinated and suddenly a vision for peace became
something unrealistic, justice impossible, coexistence nothing
but a myth."
Raheb said that hope had evaporated almost completely with a
majority on both sides losing the vision of hope. He said that
the "suicide bombings are a sign of that hopelessness," adding
that leaders on both sides have abandoned their vision for
peace. Yasser Arafat has not been able to transform the
Palestinian Liberation Organization from a military to political
role, the conflict is not even on the agenda of the Americans,
and the United Nations passes resolutions they can't implement,
he noted.
It is a particular challenge for Palestinian Christians to hold
to a hopeful vision in a time of despair, but they must shift
from despair to reclaim a vision that offers alternatives to the
current dilemma, according to Raheb. "You are our hope," he told
the conference. "We can't surrender to the forces of death."
Following the Israeli Defense Force incursion into Bethlehem a
year ago, Raheb and church members gathered the shards of glass,
taking them to a workshop that is part of the church's ministry
and transforming them into art--including an angel made of beer
and wine bottles. He said that the people gathered enough
strength to bring together their broken hopes and lives in a
fresh and creative way, making angels as signs of hope.
Obvious solution?
The historic outlines of the ultimate solution to the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict are apparent, even if the solution
seems no closer, according to Dr. Ziad Asali, president of the
American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee. That solution
includes Israeli and Palestinians living together in peace with
a shared Jerusalem, "a fair and lasting solution of the refugee
problems," an end to occupation and settlements, establishing
peace with surrounding Arab nations and open borders, and a
Marshall-type plan to rebuild Palestine.
The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, however,
strengthened the role extremists and fundamentalists play and
reinforced the image of Islam as a violent religion, he said.
Both sides are afraid of being uprooted. "The great fear for the
Palestinians is to be uprooted and end up without a state; the
great fear for the Israelis is to be destroyed, uprooted, and to
end up without a state. There are people on both sides who feed
these fears through words and needs and we need to see to it
that they do not speak for us," he said.
Asali added that "we must agree that occupation cannot stand and
protestations about security cannot be used as a cover for
annexing and expropriating Palestinian lands. We also must agree
that suicide bombings, and any violence against civilians, is
abhorrent, intolerable and must end now."
No solution is apparent yet because "the Israelis and
Palestinians are too deeply hurt to work out a solution. The
United States, anguished and angered by September 11 attacks,
and publicly frustrated by the incompetence of the Palestinian
leadership, yielded to the temptation to blur the distinction
between the commitment to Israel and the commitment to Israel's
conquest. The US seems to give the impression that it views the
situation in Palestine as part of the global war on terror by
granting a free hand to the Israeli government to wreak havoc on
the lives and livelihood of all Palestinians," he said.
He warned that "the Palestinian problem is an abscess that has
remained undrained by the necessary surgeon for too long" and
therefore it continues to weaken the body politic of Arabs and
Israelis--and the whole world. "It casts its shadow across the
globe with promises of dark and sinister days ahead," feeding
passions on all sides that "can too readily override reason. It
has become the new last refuge of the scoundrels."
Dashed hopes
Paul Sham, a visiting scholar of Judaic studies at George
Washington University and set up the Washington office of
Americans for Peace Now in 1989, agreed that "hopes for a
peaceful future have been dashed." With the rampant feelings of
fear, hatred and betrayal, where do we go now? he asked. There
is a "symmetry of perception," he argued, since both sides see
themselves as righteous victims and mistrust the other side.
Israeli and Palestinian radicals, which he estimated at 20-30
percent on each side, reinforce each other and "moderates have
no one to turn to."
He is convinced that "most of the Jewish pro-Israeli members of
Congress see settlements as disasters--but won't say so
publicly. They don't like Sharon's tactics but see no
alternative." He said that "the legitimate fears of both sides
must be understood," and religion is actually ends up as part of
the problem because it contributes to a hardening of positions.
Yet he took hope from polls that continue to show that up to 70
percent of Israelis, depending on how the questions are asked,
still believe the ultimate solution is two states living in
peace with disbanding of most settlements. "But they won't talk
about it right now," he said.
Friends to both sides
Ambassador Philip Wilcox of the Foundation for Middle East Peace
agreed that extremists on both sides feed off each other and, as
a result, "moderates are frightened, in disarray and
immobilized." He said that the Oslo Accords of 1993, hailed by
so many as a harbinger of hope, was "fatally flawed because it
didn't define the outcomes." It provided no way to recognize
both sides as equals, for example, especially as long as Israel
maintained all the power.
"Palestinians assumed that Oslo meant a state with Jerusalem as
its capital but in the following years Israelis doubled the
settlements, assuming that they could dictate to the
Palestinians, and ignore their drive for a viable, independent
state," said Wilcox, former State Department official and consul
general in Jerusalem. The growing frustration fed the radical
fringe and the ensuing violence led to a feeling of betrayal
among the Israelis, he said.
"The new intifada is a terrible failure for everyone, stiffening
the right wing opposition and the uncompromising Israelis,"
Wilcox said, adding that the Americans became disillusioned with
the collapse of the peace talks. "President Bush now agrees with
Sharon on conditions for the resumption of talks--an end of the
violence and the removal of Arafat." He warned that the
so-called "road map," which still has not been made public, is
an attempt by the Americans, Russians, European Union and the
United Nations to lay out a plan for cessation of hostilities
and creation of a Palestinian state but "it's a warmed-over
version of Oslo's process that doesn't contain any destination."
Be on the side of peace
Wilcox expressed deep concern that "the perceived indifference
to Palestinian suffering and partiality to Israel is creating an
environment where terrorism grows and prospers." Israeli policy
doesn't recognize or admit that it can't dominate a people
willing and ready to fight for their freedom and that could, in
the end, prove damaging to Israel's standing as a democracy, he
said.
"Israel is a powerful and successful state in many ways," he
added. "America should make common cause with decent moderates
and express some empathy and support for Palestinians and their
terrible historic struggle. Don't take sides, be on the side of
peace." He also called on friends of both sides to "denounce
violence as morally wrong and politically ruinous." He is
convinced that ultimately Israel "won't side with the right wing
but now they are traumatized. Democracy can work in
Palestine--but not until the Israelis get out."
------
For further information and copies of some speeches go to the
web site at www.cmep.org.
--James Solheim is director of Episcopal News Service.
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