wfn.org | All Africa News Agency 20/03 May 26 2003 (b)

[Worldwide Faith News <wfn@igc.org>]

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AANA BULLETIN No. 20/03 - May 26, 2003 (b)

AANA Bulletin is an ecumenical initiative to highlight all endeavours and 
experiences of Christians and the people of Africa.  AANA Bulletin is 
published weekly and, together with the French Edition - Bulletin APTA - is 
also available through e-mail.	For editorial and subscription details, 
please contact: 

AANA Bulletin						Bulletin APTA
  Editor -Elly Wamari						Editor -
Silvie Alemba

BOOK  REVIEW

In Favour Of Christianity With An African Touch

Title - A World With A Human Face: A Voice from Africa
Author: Njongonkulu Ndungane, Anglican Archbishop, Cape Town
Volume: 130 pages
Year of Publication: 2003
Publisher: World Council of Churches, WCC: 150 Route de Ferney, P.O. Box 
2100 1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland
Copyright: Njongonkulu Ndungane 2003
Printer: MPG Books Ltd, Bodmin, Cornwall

The author of the book under review, Archbishop Njongonkulu Ndungane, 
strongly feels that the Church in Africa should find effective ways to 
incorporate some of the African values in modern Christian teachings.

The South African clergyman asserts that time was ripe for the Church to 
think seriously about the issue, under tags such as Africanisation, 
inculturation or indigenisation.  He observes that such needs had actually 
been long recognised.

"It has been felt all the more since most of the African countries have 
been decolonised and since South Africa held its first democratic election 
in 1994," explains the Anglican cleric.

According to the Prelate,  African theologians had earlier began by 
condemning missionaries' involvement in colonial rule, denigration of 
traditional rites and customs, attitudes of racial superiority, and a 
desire to keep the African Church for a long as possible under European rule.

Archbishop Ndungane emphasises that that  some African theologians have 
proceeded to search for African expressions of Christianity in response to 
the need for Christianity to free itself from the influences of colonial 
and apartheid eras.

Thus they grapple with the relationship between Christian faiths and 
political power, he stresses, adding that "the liberation approach became a 
dominant model in this regard, and was popularised especially by 
theologians from the south".

Kenya's John Mbiti, is mentioned in Ndungane's book as a good example of a 
theologian who sought to relate Christian faith with African culture and 
tradition.

The book highlights the life of Archbishop Ndungane, who took over the 
Church (Anglican) leadership as Archbishop of Cape Town, from the fiery 
South African clergyman and Nobel Peace Prize winner, Archbishop Desmond
Tutu.

The book discloses, for example, that Ndungane was imprisoned in the famous 
Robben Island, where, during his captivity, he came to "realise that 
apartheid's end would not bring about a perfect society, and that a new 
South Africa would need heroes of a different kind".

The author recalls that apartheid has ended but the work of building a just 
society for all in South Africa has only just begun.

The volume has looked at the life history of the South African clergyman, 
from within and outside church arena, under four distinct chapters: From 
Robben Island to Bishops court; South Africa: The challenges; The Church: 
The challenges and New Perspectives.

The book also serves as a call to South Africans and the international 
community to work together to overcome social injustice, adverse economic 
forces and the weight of history, to build a just society fit for all.

On ordination of women into priesthood, for example, the author observes: 
"Another significant milestone in the past 100 years was a resolution 
passed by the 27th Session of the Provincial Synod, that was held in 
Swaziland in 1992, that our Province should admit into holy orders, those 
women who are called to serve God in the ordained ministry".

On sexuality and gender, Archbishop Ndungane recollects that the 1988 
Lambeth Conference for Anglican Bishops addressed itself to the issue.

He says: "The discussion centred on the place of homosexual persons in the 
Church and the way the Church should respond to homosexual persons in their 
chosen lifestyle, for example, those who seek the Church's blessing on 
their union, or those who seek ordination".

The book is most recommended for general readership, but more so, for those 
with deeper interest on the role of the Church in South Africa's history, 
both during and after the racist government system.

It would also fit well, young theologians looking for some inspiration 
within church arena, for the life of the author, Archbishop Ndungane, is 
such an inspiration.

Reviewed By Osman Njuguna

FEATURES  SECTION

Militias Solicit For 'Inclusive And Comprehensive' Pact

Small militia groups operating in parts of Sudan, and said to be linked to 
Khartoum government, want their concerns included in a possible final peace 
deal that could be signed end of June, between the government and rebel 
Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army. According to representatives of 
the groups, who participated in discussions over security arrangements at 
the peace talks in Kenya, failure to recognise them as an entity in any 
forthcoming agreements, may cause some setbacks, reports AANA correspondent 
Makur Kot Dhuor.

A
s Sudanese peace talks proceed in Kenya, pro-government armed groups have 
continued to fight in southern Sudan, especially in Western and Eastern 
Upper Nile regions, taking over some areas that have been under control of 
Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). The rebel movement's 
negotiating team at the talks has since complained.

They have cited failure by the government to respect a cease-fire agreement 
signed between them and the government, last year.

On April 2, Sudan President Omar Hassan Ahmed El-Bashir and Dr. John Garang 
de Mabior, leader of SPLM/A, met in Nairobi under the auspices of President 
Mwai Kibaki of Kenya. The two leaders affirmed that they were committed to 
peace.

Five days later, the peace negotiations, sponsored by Inter-Governmental 
Authority on Development (IGAD), re-opened to discuss security matters 
between the government of Sudan and the rebel movement.

Seventeen militia groups were represented, but not by invitation. "This 
means that we were already excluded," pointed out the spokesperson of the 
groups, Commander (Cdr) Martin Kenyi of Equatoria Defence Force (EDF), 
adding: "We are warning that if we are excluded, this agreement will not 
succeed". He went on: "We want this agreement, which is to be signed, to be 
inclusive and comprehensive, and this is what we came for".

Cdr Kenyi stated that their presence at the talks was to participate in 
discussions on security arrangements, which has been a key subject 
lately.  "This may be the best time to make our position on security 
arrangements very clear," he noted.

According to Cdr Kenyi, any military arrangements, if not handled well, 
will not achieve a durable peace. "That is why our participation is 
important here," he pointed out, and stated: "It may be true that an 
agreement will be signed in June this year.  This may be determined by the 
security arrangements, and it is hoped this will be reached, but it has to 
be inclusive."

The militia groups are warning that if the peace negotiations are only 
meant to end the war between the north and the south, without resolving the 
problem of southerners themselves, especially on matters concerning unity, 
then southerners may witness a bloody war again.

"This has to be prevented before time, then there is need for inclusiveness 
of the agreement," Cdr Kenyi emphasised further.

His colleague, Major Deng Kelei, who is leader of one of the militia 
groups,  explained their mission at the talks and insisted that they were 
equally fighting for unity of Sudan, just like the SPLM/A.

"We are people of southern Sudan fighting for the unity of Sudan, just the 
same way the SPLM/A is fighting for the unity of Sudan, so how do we 
differ?" he posed, in apparent reference to a premise that they were 
equally important.

He continued: "We are being accused of being with the government of Sudan. 
Meanwhile, the SPLM/A has northerners fighting their own brothers in the 
north, so why are we being accused of fighting southerners who are in the 
SPLM/A?"

Chief General Ismael Konyi, Governor of of Jonglei State in southern Sudan 
and also a militia leader, highlighted that apart from the north-south 
problem, there were critical issues in the south that needed to be thrashed 
out.

"We came here to seek peace, especially among southern Sudanese," he said, 
stating that there were many divisions among southerners.

In his opinion, "the Church is divided, SPLM/A is divided, and the tribes 
in the south are divided, especially the Nuer and the Dinka".  This, he 
argues, will make peace difficult to achieve, and needs to be addressed.

An SPLM/A official dismissed these justifications that the militia groups 
were presenting, saying that agreements reached would by extension be 
inclusive of the interests of the militias, since they (the militia) were 
sponsored by the government, already at the negotiating table.

The militia groups, who were represented by commanders of all the sections 
of Southern Sudan Defence Force (SSDF), are said to enjoy support of the 
government of Sudan, who backs them financially and with military logistics.

Their activities have been a discussion point at the peace talks.  On 
January 31 this year, SSDF and the South Sudan Liberation Movement  (SSLM), 
led by Dr. Wal Duany, claimed that they had captured Eastern town of Akobo 
from SPLM/A, after a fierce battle.  Akobo is nearly 1,500 kilometres south 
of Khartoum and lies at the border of Sudan with Ethiopia.

A number of members of these militia forces were previously with the rebel 
force, SPLA.  They broke away, citing various reasons, amounting to not 
being satisfied with progress of the rebel movement in fighting the 
Khartoum regime.

The situation forced some of the breakaway members to establish 
relationships with the government of Sudan.

They organised forces "to defend the civil population against the SPLA", 
and subsequently signed an agreement with Khartoum government in April 
1997. The pact was dubbed "Khartoum Peace Agreement".

According to Cdr Kenyi, this agreement is still enshrined in the current 
constitution of the country. "It was an attempt by Sudanese themselves to 
sit down and realise peace for the sake of the people of Sudan," he says.

But, adds Cdr Kenyi, the agreement never won support of the international 
community and the SPLM/A.  The latter continued to fight Khartoum, making 
it difficult for recommendations enshrined in the agreement to be
implemented.

Such recommendations included formation of South Sudan Co-ordinating 
Council (SSCC), a joint military technical committee, and a cease-fire 
commission, to bridge gaps between north and south.

This past failure, observes Cdr Kenyi, could repeat itself if the 
forthcoming agreement is signed without addressing concerns all political 
forces.

Journalists Who Have To Live In A Dungeon Of Fear

Mass media practitioners in Malawi joined their colleagues around the globe 
in commemorating World Press Freedom Day on May 3. But this happened amid 
concern that the country was among several others in southern Africa with a 
record of  harassment of journalists, reports AANA Correspondent, Hamilton 
Vokhiwa.

T
he day came as media practitioners in the country were following with keen 
interest, legal proceedings in which a radio journalist had been charged by 
the state with publishing false information "likely to cause fear and 
public alarm".

The journalist, Maganizo Mazeze, was arrested after Blantyre-based radio 
station Mij 90.3 FM, broadcast an interview he had carried out with a 
person who had claimed to have been an eye witness at a blood sucking
incident.

The interview was broadcast at a time when reports of blood suckers in 
parts of Malawi were rife, and when government representatives issued 
denials about them.

Defence lawyers said the charge against Mazeze was invalid and against the 
constitution of Malawi, which gives press the right to report and publish 
freely, and to be given access to public information.

The case was referred by a magistrate's court to the High Court of Malawi 
for judicial review on the constitutional argument.

Other Malawian journalists facing harassment include Mavuto Banda of the 
Daily Times, who went into hiding for weeks after being threatened with 
physical violence by politicians.

He had reported that chiefs in Chiradzulu district in Southern Malawi, had 
rejected a proposal to amend the constitution to allow President Bakili 
Muluzi to vie for a third term.

A member of parliament, Henry Mussa, together with a group of thugs, and 
some of the chiefs, mobbed the premises of the publishers of Daily Times 
newspaper, demanding the blood of the young journalist.

They accused him of having lied, and insisted that the traditional leaders 
were in favour of the proposed constitutional amendment.

The National Media Institute of Southern Africa (NAMISA), through its 
chairperson, Denis Mzembe, said available evidence showed that violations 
against media houses and journalists were happening throughout the Southern 
African Development Community (SADC) region, which he said, was a worrying 
development.

  "The organisation (NAMISA) will not sit by and watch media practitioners 
and institutions being victimised, hence we urge those who are harassed to 
utilise NAMISA's media legal aid fund," he said.

Mzembe said the fund had been specifically set aside to help such victims 
of media freedom violations.

He presented as example, death threats that some journalists in the country 
have been receiving, with others being kidnapped, detained, assaulted and 
harassed, stating, "Section 36 of our constitution guarantees press freedom."

Briefing members of the press in Blantyre on World Press Freedom Day, 
Mzembe said journalists should reaffirm their commitment to ensuring high 
standards of journalism.

"We should strive to be in the forefront of practising responsible 
journalism. Let us desist from pulling each other down with stories that 
are meant to vilify one another," Mzembe advised.

The NAMISA Chairperson however, challenged journalists in the country to be 
mindful of the cardinal truth, saying that media practitioners existed to 
disseminate information that was factual, accurate and fair.

To mark the press freedom day, journalists paraded along the main 
Chipembere Highway  from Chichiri Upper stadium to Blantyre Sports Club, 
where a debate was conducted on The role of journalists in a democracy.

They were later joined by high profile personalities, including foreign 
diplomats, at a gala dinner where NAMISA, for the first time, gave out 
awards worth US$1,000 to journalists and media houses that excelled in 
their work.

An independent local radio station, Capital 102.5 FM,  was voted the best 
electronic media house in the country because of a popular daily phone-in 
programme called News Talk, which NAMISA said reflected  views of the 
people, and that they spoke without fear or favour on all topics of public 
concern.

This year's press freedom theme here was SADC Journalists Under Fire, 
depicting problems media practitioners in the region meet in the course of 
their work.

NAMISA, among others, aims at fostering development of independent media, 
promoting free flow of information among media organisations and creating a 
conducive environment for a vibrant press.

In a press statement to mark the day , President Bakili Muluzi said he 
would support efforts by NAMISA  to train journalists in order to equip 
them with the necessary skills in the profession.

The president promised that the government would do everything possible to 
create a conducive environment for journalists to work freely without any 
political interference.

His assurance came amid concerns by the media fraternity that Malawi was 
among countries within SADC, where journalists were being harassed.

But Muluzi made no reference to these concerns. Instead, he appealed to the 
media to play "a crucial role in educating the general public on voting 
process, as the country was heading towards general elections next year".

Certainly, the theme, SADC Journalists under fire, was also significant in 
neighbouring Mozambique. Renowned investigative journalist, Carlos Cardoso, 
was gunned down in broad daylight several years ago, because he was chasing 
a story with the potential to upset the apple-cart of corruption among the 
country's top brass.

Nor has it been plain sailing for Zimbabwean journalists. Draconian 
legislation instituted just before last year's presidential elections, 
together with the face of the on-going economic and social crisis 
precipitated by President Robert Mugabe's land seizure policy, are making 
journalists here live under what is described as a dungeon of fear .

  It's A Diversity Of Opinions Over Need For Bride Price

Payment of bride price in marriage is a common custom among African 
communities.  In traditional set-ups, bride price would be presented in 
form of livestock, cowry shells, honey and precious stones, the combination 
varying from one community to another.	It was a symbolic way of sealing 
marriage.  Today, the practice is tainted by cash transactions, with many 
parents putting a price tag on their daughters. AANA Correspondent Herman 
Kasili, conducted diverse interviews in Kenya, to establish feelings of 
different cadres of people over the usefulness the custom in present day.

A
  Church wedding was recently stopped by the father of a bride, who 
insisted that because he had received bride price from his daughter's 
former husband, he could not allow her to get married to another man.

It later emerged, however, that the latest groom had not fulfilled 
requirement of paying a "satisfactory" price, and this could have been the 
reason behind the resistance portrayed by the bride's father.

Things turned hot when the bride got enraged, and vowed not to be stopped 
by "customary law".  She decided to elope with her new lover.

The above incident brings to the fore, the importance of bride price in the 
African marriage institution.

While some sections of community feel that the practice is noble, others 
are expressing opinions that it has lost its true meaning in the present 
world, and that many have instead commercialised it.

In an interview with AANA, Jane Kiragu, the Executive Director of 
Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA), Kenya Chapter, said, "Women should not 
be traded and the practice should stop forthwith because it has lost its 
initial use".

Kiragu rejects the concept, saying it has made women appear like 
commodities, and creating many ills against women, such as rape and wife 
beating.

But Wairimu Mungai, a co-ordinator of a non-governmental organisation in 
Kenya, says bride price should not be eliminated for it is an important 
symbolic factor in marriage.  It plays a role in bonding families, she
argues.

Noting though that the original intent has been misused, Wairimu feels that 
society should be sensitised to understand the crucial role bride price
plays.

Prominent Kenyan journalist-cum-researcher in domestic violence, Caleb 
Atemi, also disagrees with Kiragu's sentiments.

He argues that the essence of bride price was to make one take care of his 
wife, respect her and her community.

He observes that poverty and greed have triggered commercialisation of the 
custom, damaging the symbolism with which it was regarded.

An Islamic leader, Abdulrahaman Wandati, when asked about the issue, 
reiterated that bride price is necessary for marriage, not only as a gift 
of appreciation to the recipient family, but as a symbol of customary 
contract between the two parties.

Wandati's argument is echoed by village elder, Manyonge Nandemu, of Kenya's 
North Rift region, who says bride price symbolised thanksgiving to the 
girl's parents for having brought her up to certain standards.

He maintains that paying of bride price was one way of committing two 
people together to show a sense of belonging to one another, and also to 
encourage submissiveness on the part of the woman.

Dinah Nakhumicha, 60, a house wife in western Kenya says: "Though men 
[sometimes] misuse the original purpose of bride price by resorting to wife 
beating after claims of ownership, the concept is by itself a worthy course."

Exuding pride, she says her husband paid 13 head of cattle to her parents. 
To her, this shows how valuable, beautiful, hardworking and well behaved 
she was, "as bride price was a measure of your spouse's appreciation of you".

A Primary school teacher from Kenya's Central Province, Daniel Muiruri, 
alleges that those who advocate for bride price to be abandoned are mostly 
either divorcees or single mothers.   According to him, bride price 
discouraged separation of spouses.

"Look around and see. It is only a 'blind man' who cannot recognise what is 
happening, since the only marriage that has prevailed is the one where the 
husband had paid the price," he contends.

In his view, most men would not accept "free women", for they would feel 
insecure, and fear loosing them to someone else.

Sammy Karoni Mole, a Masai from Tanzania, admits that even though the 
tradition has contributed to marrying off of underage girls in his 
community, this should not be reason to abolish it.

To him, paying of bride price is a cultural practice that showed capability 
of a man to take care of the woman he was marrying.

The Dinka tribe of Sudan pay bride price in of form cattle,  a culture that 
has existed for centuries, which, according to a Dinka living in Kenya, is 
still strongly rooted and will take time to do away with.

The Biblical viewpoint seems to demonstrate support for pride price. 
Presenting this view, Rev. Dr. Timothy Njoya of the Presbyterian Church of 
East Africa (PCEA), argues that Jacob (in the book of Genesis Chapter 29) 
worked for his uncle, Laban, for seven years to be given Leah.

Since he wanted Rachel instead, he was asked to work for another seven 
years before getting her.  This according to Njoya, symbolised a price 
Jacob paid for the two women got.

He says that though the Church appreciates payment of bride price, the 
custom needs not be a stumbling block to the joining of two people in 
marriage.

He acknowledges that even though the side that pays bride price has more 
say over the recipient, this should not guarantee ownership and
subordination.

The church leader concludes that men and women are equal in the eyes of God 
and the payment of bride price has led to a woman being considered inferior 
to a man.

This has to change with time, as currently, women are much enlightened of 
their rights than before.